Women Power

The Long View : Women fought for their own rights

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

TODAY marks 68 years since Manuel L. Quezon signed the law recognizing women's suffrage. He welcomed it, but hadn't always felt that way.

On Oct. 10, 1914, Quezon, then the resident commissioner, delivered some remarks in the US Congress, on a proposal to include a provision in the Jones Law extending the right of suffrage to women in the Philippines. He said, "Mr. Chairman, let me say right here that I believe in the political equality of men and women. I would not subscribe to the theory that the right to vote belongs exclusively to man because of his sex; therefore I would not withhold the franchise from women if they wanted to exercise it; but neither would I impose this duty upon them against their will. I say 'duty,' because, in my opinion, while the ballot is a right, once the right has been granted it thereby becomes one of the most important duties of citizenship. I am therefore opposed to the amendment ... because the women of my country -- practically all of them, so far as I know their will -- do not want to vote."

He went on to recount: "A few years ago, a woman suffrage movement was undertaken in Manila that ended in complete failure. A few meetings were held, but it has not been possible to create any interest in this movement either on the part of the men or on the part of the women, still less to find any number of advocates for it. In the provinces, nobody ever attempted to discuss the question, and our women there would be decidedly against it. I hope, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that the committee, in its wisdom, will not care to impose upon our women the duty of voting."

Still he made a spirited defense of Filipino women on the following grounds: "Since the establishment of public schools during the American regime, the benefit of free education has been equally enjoyed by our girls and our boys. Instances are not rare when in the classes the intellectual star shines from among the girls. In the University of the Philippines some of the graduating classes have been headed by girls. I venture to say, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that the character and intelligence of our women alone would justify our optimism as to the wonderful possibilities of our country. Now, let me give the committee a piece of information taken from volume 2, page 117, of the Philippine Census which is very interesting. It is as follows: The number of women who reported themselves as prostitutes was 476, nearly all of whom were in Manila. Of these, 75 were white, nearly all the countries of Europe being represented, besides the United States. Two hundred and sixty, or more than half, were yellow, practically all of whom were Japanese, and only 141, or 1 in 25,000 of the female population of the islands, were Filipinos. It is rather extraordinary that in this Malay Archipelago seven-tenths of all the prostitutes were from foreign lands, a fact which speaks volumes for the chastity of the Filipinos.... It is unnecessary to impose upon our women the burden of going to the polls because they are already interested in public questions. Their wholesome influence, exercised at home, tells on the public mind."

And yet, as Senate president, by 1919, Quezon came out categorically in favor of women's suffrage. What changed his mind? The women themselves-in particular their organizing themselves throughout the country, under the umbrella of the National Federation of Women's Clubs, and their determined lobbying for the right to vote. Thus, on Jan. 21, 1937, as President of the Philippines, he issued this press statement:

"To the Filipino People: On the eve of my departure abroad on a mission of far-reaching consequence to the nation, I desire to make an earnest appeal in favor of woman suffrage, which will be decided by the qualified women of the country in a plebiscite to be held on April 30, 1937.

"Almost every democratic country in the world today has woman suffrage; the Philippines cannot afford to be an exception.

"The common people, the farm laborers, the factory workers, and the small employees will be the first ones to be benefited by the extension of the vote to women, because the majority of these new electors, as is the case with the majority of male electors, belong to the class above mentioned, and, therefore, their influence in the Government will be greater and doubtless will be exerted in favor of measures and legislation that will promote their well-being. The women in the factories, in the barrios, and in the far-flung communities, who are qualified to vote, should all come out and vote for woman suffrage on the appointed day."

On April 4, 1937, by radio hook-up from Washington, D.C., he broadcast this appeal: "I am very happy to have this opportunity of addressing you today. It is a long way from Washington to the Philippines and I am beginning to feel homesick, but I am here in the performance of a most important duty that I hope will bring happiness to our people...

"I wish to reiterate my hope that the women of our country may at last use their right to vote. I hope all the women who possess the qualifications required by law will not only register but also vote favorably in the plebiscite upon this question. Filipino women are not as yet in full possession of all their rights, and unless they make an early decision on this question in the National Administration, it will take a long time before all their rights are secured. I hope all the men of the Philippines will be willing to seek the advice and collaboration of their mothers, wives, and daughters in public affairs just as they seek them in their private business. The Filipino woman is the equal of the best in the world and there is no reason why she should not enjoy all the rights and privileges of women in more progressive countries."

Women's rights have been the achievement of women alone; they have led, and forced the men to follow.

Tipping Point

Human Face : Why isn't it tipping?

Ma. Ceres P. Doyo
Inquirer News Service

"THE tipping point is that magic moment when an idea, trend or social behavior crosses a threshold, tips, and spreads like wildfire... The tipping point is the moment of critical mass, the threshold, the boiling point ... It is the name given to that one dramatic moment in an epidemic when everything can change all at once.''

Those definitions are from the bestseller and page-turner "The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference'' by Malcolm Gladwell. (His latest is "Blink.'')

I think of the tipping point this way: Imagine holding a tray with a handful of marbles on one side. You tip the tray at an angle but the marbles seem unwilling to roll over to the other side. You tip some more. Then at a certain angle, the marbles suddenly all roll in unison to the other side.

At that tipping point, movement takes place. This example, similar to the seesaw, illustrates in a physical way the so-called tipping point phenomenon which political watchers-in barbershops and beauty salons, political circles, cockpits, churches, academe-are anticipating.

When would it happen? How would it happen? Why isn't it happening? "It'' is some kind of People Power III, reminiscent of the previous two that saw a long-staying dictator and a president, just two years in office, removed dramatically.

Just an aside: "The tipping point'' has found its way to the lips of politicians who love the phrases "at the end of the day'' and -- this one will make Einstein and editors cringe -- "at this point in time."

Since Day One of the political crisis engulfing the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, spawned by the so-called "Hello, Garci'' tapes, people have been anticipating, either with eagerness or with dread, President Arroyo's downfall. Many thought it would be in early July when a series of events happened in one day. There were bold moves, such as resignations from the Cabinet, protests in the streets and louder calls for President Arroyo to step down, with no less than former President Cory Aquino in the lead.

That day the clamor seemed to be peaking and the balance seemed to be tipping. And if you based your predictions on the way things appeared on TV, it was just a matter of hours or days, even as loyal local government officials from the provinces made the opposite move and came to the President's rescue.

President Arroyo didn't resign. The tide against her wasn't forceful enough to topple her.

The impeachment process in Congress took place. The much-watched process was nipped in the bud early on during the longest-in-history plenary session. More than 200 valedictories with immortal quotations -- from Mother Teresa, Saint Paul, Aristotle and Newton to Jaime Cardinal Sin -- yielded a 158-51-6 vote.

Again, street protests, led by Ms Aquino and a mix of ideologically and politically incompatible and divergent bedfellows linking arms, ensued. Still, the balance didn't tip. People Power III wasn't happening. Why?

Tired of waiting for it to happen? Relieved that it hasn't happened? Baffled and befuddled? Maybe we can learn a thing or two from Gladwell's explorations on how social epidemics spread, whether these are fashion trends, diseases, behavior patterns or crime. As journalist Deirdre Donahue said: "One of the most interesting aspects of Gladwell's book is the way it reaffirms that human beings are profoundly social beings influenced by and influencing other human beings, no matter how much technology we introduce into our lives.''

That seems to be telling us not to trust the text-messaging brigade too much, that we forget there are other more effective ways like, um, word of mouth and having the right people say the right things. The right people to cast the first stone.

Gladwell does not just propose answers from out of the blue. He explains by investigating true-to-life events that showed how the tipping point phenomena occurred. How did Hush Puppies regain its popularity in a spontaneous way? Why did the Baltimore syphilis epidemic peak? What was it about Paul Revere and his midnight ride across Boston in 1775 that resulted in the routing of the British and the start of the war known as the American Revolution? Why did Paul Revere's warning tip while another crier's did not?

Gladwell also expounds on the results of experiments conducted by social psychologists, such as the one by Stanley Milgram who wanted to find an answer to what is called the "small-world'' problem. How are human beings connected? Do we all belong to separate worlds or are we all bound together in an interlocking web? How does an idea, or a piece of news -- The British are coming! -- travel through a population?

The results were confounding.

Gladwell summarizes the rules of the Tipping Point into three: the Law of the Few, the Stickiness Factor, and the Power of Context.

The Law of the Few says that through social connections, energy, enthusiasm and personality, word spreads.

The Stickiness Factor says that there are specific ways of making a contagious message memorable; there are relatively simple changes in the presentation and structuring of information that make a big difference in how much of an impact it makes.

The Power of Context says that human beings are a lot more sensitive to their environment than they may seem.

So why is it not tipping? Or to use another situation, why is the cake not rising? Maybe the ingredients are old, stale and spoiled. Maybe the ingredients are incompatible.

"The Tipping Point'' is also about changing one's way of looking at the world. I did that two weeks ago by attending a seminar on the Quantum World under Dr. Ibarra "Nim'' Gonzales.